Hitler on Economics Folk Family Children and other matters:
The birth of nations is a painful process, just as every other birth.
A bit of an introduction.
Our answer is still the same one we gave our internal enemies of yore. You know, my old Party comrades, that our victory in 1933 was not an easy one. It was an incredible struggle that was waged for almost 15 years; an almost futile struggle. Because you must imagine, my Party comrades, that we did suddenly receive a large following from fate. A handful of people started this. And these people painfully first secured their positions and then enlarge them. A handful of people turned into 100, then 1,000, and then 10,000 and 100,000 and finally the first million was reached. And then this evolved to two million, then three and four. We grew during an ongoing war against a thousand enemies and attacks and rapes and breaches of the law, and this struggle made us strong, internally strong. And so, these 15 years after we took power, we know that this is not a gift from heaven for someone that has not earned it, but the reward for a unique struggle, a brave perseverance in the struggle for power.
And when I, in the year 1933, was given this power and took responsibility, along with the National Socialist movement, for the German future, it became clear to me that freedom would not be given lightly to our people. It also became clear that the struggle was not finished; instead, it was being waged on a larger scale. Because our goal was not the triumph of the National Socialist movement, but the liberation of our German people. That was the goal.
Everything I have created since then is geared to this goal. The Party, the Arbeitsfront, SA, SS, all other organizations, the Wehrmacht, the army, the air force, the navy, they exist not just to exist but to help fulfill our goal. Securing the freedom of our German people looms above everything else.
On the day when we founded our National Socialist movement we were already convinced that the fate of the individual German is inseparably linked with the fate of the entire nation. If Germany is ruined the worker cannot prosper in favorable social conditions nor can the entrepreneur; and neither will the farmer be able to save himself nor the middle class. No, the ruin of the Reich, the collapse of the nation means the ruin and destruction of us all! No one confession and not a single German tribe (Stamm) will escape the fate which will overtake us collectively.
On the day when the National Socialist movement was founded we had long since realized that it was not the proletariat which would triumph over the middle class, nor the middle class which would triumph over the proletariat. In the end it would be the international financiers alone who would triumph over both. And this is precisely what has happened!
Recognizing this process of decay thirteen years ago I and a handful of others formed a new movement, whose very name is intended to proclaim the new national community. Socialism cannot exist unless it is served by the power of the intellect, nor can there be social well-being unless it is protected and its existence ensured by the strength of a nation. And there can be no nation and thus no nationalism unless the millions of intellectual workers are joined by the millions of manual laborers and the millions of farm workers.
Some principles --
Common Good over Selfish Interests
And
Break the Bonds of Usury ... War to the knife with the enemies of the Race and Nation.
There are two principles which, when we founded the Movement, we engraved upon our hearts: first, to base it on the most sober recognition of the facts, and second, to proclaim these facts with the most ruthless sincerity.
And this recognition of the facts discloses at once a whole series of the most important fundamental principles which must guide this young Movement which, we hope, is destined one day for greatness:
1. 'NATIONAL' AND 'SOCIAL' ARE TWO IDENTICAL CONCEPTIONS. It was only the Jew who succeeded, through falsifying the social idea and turning it into Marxism, not only in divorcing the social idea from the national, but in actually representing them as utterly contradictory. That aim he has in fact achieved. At the founding of this Movement we formed the decision that we would give expression to this idea of ours of the identity of the two conceptions: despite all warnings, on the basis of what we had come to believe, on the basis of the sincerity of our will, we christened it ''National Socialist.' We said to ourselves that to be 'national' means above everything to act with a boundless and all-embracing love for the people and, if necessary, even to die for it. And similarly to be 'social' means so to build up the state and the community of the people that every individual acts in the interest of the community of the people and must be to such an extent convinced of the goodness, of the honorable straightforwardness of this community of the people as to be ready to die for it.
But to die with meaning we must know the history for which we live our lives.
Before 1914 there were two States above all, Germany and Russia, which
prevented the Jew from reaching his goal - the mastery of the world. Here
not everything which they already possessed in the Western democracies
had fallen to the Jews. Here they were not the sole lords alike in the
intellectual and economic life. Here, too, the Parliaments were not yet
exclusively instruments of Jewish capital and of the will of the Jew. The
German and the genuine Russian had still preserved a certain aloofness
from the Jew. In both peoples there still lived the healthy instinct of scorn
for the Jew ..
WWI?
THUS IT WAS THAT JUDAH
WON THE WORLD WAR. OR WOULD YOU WISH TO MAINTAIN
THAT THE FRENCH, THE ENGLISH, OR THE AMERICAN 'PEOPLE'
WON THE WAR? THEY, ONE AND ALL, VICTORS AND
VANQUISHED ARE ALIKE DEFEATED: one thing raises itself above
them all: the World Stock Exchange which has become the master of the
people. ... For the murderers of our Fatherland who all the years through
have betrayed and sold Germany, they are the same men who, as the
November criminals, have plunged us into the depths of misfortune. We
have the duty to speak since in the near future, when we have gained
power, we shall have the further duty of taking these creators of ruin, these
clouts, these traitors to their State and of hanging them on the gallows to
which they belong. Only let no one think that in them there has come a
change of heart. ...
EVEN TODAY WE ARE THE LEAST LOVED PEOPLE ON EARTH. A
world of foes is ranged against us and the German must still today make up
his mind whether he intends to be a free soldier or a white slave. THE
ONLY POSSIBLE CONDITIONS UNDER WHICH A GERMAN STATE
CAN DEVELOP AT ALL MUST THEREFORE BE: THE UNIFICATION
OF ALL GERMANS IN EUROPE, education towards a national
consciousness, and readiness to place the whole national strength without
exception in the service of the nation. ... DESTINIES OF PEOPLES COULD BE DETERMINED NEITHER
THROUGH MAJORITY DECISIONS NOR THROUGH TREATIES,
BUT ONLY THROUGH BLOOD AND IRON.
On one point there should be no doubt: we will not let the Jews slit our
gullets and not defend ourselves.
Who yields voluntarily? No one! So the strength which
each people possesses decides the day. ALWAYS BEFORE GOD AND
THE WORLD THE STRONGER HAS THE RIGHT TO CARRY
THROUGH WHAT HE WILLS.
History proves: He who has not the strength - him the 'right in itself' profits
not a whit. A world court without a world police would be a joke. And from
what nations of the present League of Nations would then this force be
recruited? Perhaps from the ranks of the old German Army? THE WHOLE
WORLD OF NATURE IS A MIGHTY STRUGGLE BETWEEN
STRENGTH AND WEAKNESS - AN ETERNAL VICTORY OF THE
STRONG OVER THE WEAK. There would be nothing but decay in the
whole of Nature if this were not so. States which should offend against the
elementary law would fall into decay.
We ask: 'Must there be wars?' The
pacifist answers 'No!' He proceeds to explain that disputes in the life of
peoples are only the expression of the fact that a class has been oppressed
by the ruling bourgeoisie. When there are in fact differences of opinion
between peoples, then these should be brought before a 'Peace Court' for its
decision. But he does not answer the question whether the judges of this
court of arbitration would have the power to bring the parties before the bar
of the court. I believe that an accused ordinarily only appears 'voluntarily'
before a court because, if he did not, he would be fetched there.
I should like to see the nation which would allow itself to be brought before
this League of Nations Court in the case of a disagreement without external
force. In the life of nations, what in the last resort decides questions is a
kind of Judgment Court of God.
...IN THE Bible we find the text, 'That which is neither hot nor cold will I
spew out of my mouth.' This utterance of the great Nazarene has kept its
profound validity until the present day. He who would pursue the golden
mean must surrender the hope of achieving the great and the greatest aims.
Until the present day the half-hearted and the lukewarm have remained the
curse of Germany....
To the half-heartedness and weakness of the parties in Parliament was
added the half-heartedness of Governments... Everything stood under the
sign of half-heartedness and lukewarmness ... The people, inwardly united in the hard struggle-in the trenches there were neither parties nor Confessions-has been torn asunder through the economics of profiteers and knaves. Appeasement and the settlement of differences would certainly soon be there if only one were to hang the whole crew. But profiteers and knaves are, of course, 'Citizens of the State,' and what is more important still; they are adherents of the religion, which is hallowed by the Talmud.
What are the needed conditons:
No salvation is possible until the bearer of disunion, the Jew, has been
rendered powerless to harm.
1. We must call to account the November criminals of 1918. It cannot be
that two million Germans should have fallen in vain and that afterwards
one should sit down as friends at the same table with traitors. No, we do not
pardon, we demand - Vengeance!
2. The dishonoring of the nation must cease. For betrayers of their
Fatherland and informers the gallows is the proper place. Our streets and
squares shall once more bear the names of our heroes; they shall not be
named after Jews. In the Question of Guilt we must proclaim the truth.
3. The administration of the State must be cleared of the rabble which is
fattened at the stall of the parties.
4. The present laxity in the fight against usury must be abandoned. Here the
fitting punishment is the same as that for the betrayers of their Fatherland.
5. WE MUST DEMAND A GREAT ENLIGHTENMENT ON THE
SUBJECT OF THE PEACE TREATY. WITH THOUGHTS OF LOVE?
NO! BUT IN HOLY HATRED AGAINST THOSE WHO HAVE RUINED
US.
6. The lies which would veil from us our misfortunes must cease. The fraud
of the present money-madness must be shown up. That will stiffen the
necks of us all.
7. AS FOUNDATION FOR A NEW CURRENCY THE PROPERTY OF
THOSE WHO ARE NOT OF OUR BLOOD MUST DO SERVICE. If
families who have lived in Germany for a thousand years are now
expropriated, we must do the same to the Jewish usurers.
8. WE DEMAND IMMEDIATE EXPULSION OF ALL JEWS WHO
HAVE ENTERED GERMANY SINCE 1914, and of all those, too, who
through trickery on the Stock Exchange or through other shady transactions
have gained their wealth.
9. The housing scarcity must be relieved through energetic action; houses
must be granted to those who deserve them. Eisner said in 1918 that we had
no right to demand the return of our prisoners - he was only saying openly
what all Jews were thinking. People who so think must feel how life tastes
in a concentration camp!
Extremes must be fought by extremes. Against the infection of materialism,
against the Jewish pestilence we must hold aloft a flaming ideal. And if
others speak of the World and Humanity we say the Fatherland - and only
The Problem: the Jewish-capitalist enemy of the world facing us knows but one goal-to destroy Germany, to destroy our German Volk! Our foes may strive to disguise their intention beneath phraseology, but this does nothing to deter them from the pursuit of this goal!
National Socialism has solved these problems. ... One of these accomplishments [of National Socialism] is above all the formation of a leadership of the Volk and State that is as far removed from parliamentary democracy as it is from a military dictatorship. In National Socialism, the Volk has been given the leadership which, as a party, has not only mobilized but also organized the nation, and organized it such that the supremely natural principle of selection would appear to indicate that the continued existence of a secure political leadership is guaranteed. And this is perhaps one of the proudest chapters in the history of the past five years.
And when I now round out this picture of the upswing of German life which I wish to show you, using only very few proofs and figures taken from the huge number available, I can find no closing more splendid than the one illustrated in our increasing number of births! In the year 1932, 970,000 children were born. This figure was increasing annually and reached the mark of 1,270,000 in 1937. All told, since National Socialism took power, approximately 1,160,000 more children have been bestowed upon the German Volk! Not only are they a reason for us to be proud of our German women; they are also a reason to be grateful to our Providence. To enable the nation to accomplish its incomparable work in peace, 1,160,000 young new Volksgenossen were bestowed upon it in the space of five years, living proof of
the tremendous work of the National Socialist uplifting of our Volk and the blessing of our Lord God.
NO ECONOMIC POLICY IS POSSIBLE WITHOUT A SWORD, no
industrialization without power. Today we have no longer any sword
grasped in our fist-how can we have a successful economic policy?
England has fully recognized this primary maxim in the healthy life of
States; for centuries England has acted on the principle of converting
economic strength into political power, while conversely political power in
its turn must protect economic life.
Economics is a secondary matter. World history teaches us that no people became great through economics: it was economics that brought them to their ruin. A people died when its race was disintegrated. Germany, too, did not become great through economics.
A people that in its own life [volkisch] has lost honor becomes politically defenseless, and then becomes enslaved also in the economic sphere.
Internationalization today means only Judaization. We in Germany have come to this: that a sixty-million people sees its destiny to lie at the will of a few dozen Jewish bankers. This was possible only because our civilization had first been Judaized. The undermining of the German conception of personality by catchwords had begun long before. Ideas such as 'Democracy,' 'Majority,' 'Conscience of the World,' 'World Solidarity,' 'World Peace,' 'Internationality of Art,' etc., disintegrate our race-consciousness, breed cowardice, and so today we are bound to say that the simple Turk is more man than we are.
No salvation is possible until the bearer of disunion, the Jew, has been rendered powerless to harm.
For liberation something more is
necessary than an economic policy, something more than industry: IF A
PEOPLE IS TO BECOME FREE IT NEEDS PRIDE AND WILLPOWER,
DEFIANCE, HATE, HATE, AND ONCE AGAIN HATE....
The spirit comes not down from above, that spirit which is to purify
Germany, which with its iron besom is to purify the great sty of democracy.
To do that is the task of our Movement. The Movement must not rust away
in Parliament, it must not spend itself in superfluous battles of words, but
the banner with the white circle and the black Swastika will be hoisted over
the whole of Germany on the day which shall mark the liberation of our
whole people.
For us there are only two
possiblities: either we remain German or we come under the
thumb of the Jews. This latter must not occur; even if we are
small, we are a force. A well-organized group can conquer a
strong enemy. If you stick close together and keep bringing
in new people, we will be victorious over the Jews.
should the international Jewry of finance (Finanzjudentum) succeed, both within and beyond Europe, in plunging mankind into yet another world war, then the result will not be a Bolshevization of the earth and the victory of Jewry, but the annihilation (Vernichtung) of the Jewish race in Europe. Thus, the days of propagandist impotence of the non-Jewish peoples are over.
National Socialist Germany and Fascist Italy possess institutions which, if necessary, permit opening the eyes of the world to the true nature of this problem.
Many a people is instinctively aware of this, albeit not scientifically versed in it.
At this moment, the Jews are still propagating their campaign of hatred in certain states under the cover of press, film, radio, theater, and literature, which are all in their hands. Should indeed this one Volk attain its goal of prodding masses of millions from other peoples to enter into a war devoid of all sense for them, and serving the interests of the Jews exclusively, then the effectiveness of an enlightenment will once more display its might. Within Germany, this enlightenment conquered Jewry utterly in the span of a few years.
Peoples desire not to perish on the battlefield just so that this rootless, internationalist race can profit financially from this war and thereby gratify its lust for vengeance derived from the Old Testament. The Jewish watchword “Proletarians of the world, unite!” will be conquered by a far more lofty realization, namely: “Creative men of all nations, recognize your common foe!”
Soviets as Jewish: While now in Soviet Russia the millions are ruined and are
dying, Chicherin - and with him a staff of over 200 Soviet
Jews - travels by express train through Europe, visits the
cabarets, watches naked dancers perform for his pleasure,
lives in the finest hotels, and does himself better than the
millions whom once you thought you must fight as
'bourgeois.'
The 400 Soviet Commissars of Jewish nationality - they do
not suffer; the thousands upon thousands of sub-
Commissars -they do not suffer. No! all the treasures which
the 'proletarian' in his madness took from the
'bourgeoise' in order to fight so-called capitalism - they have
all gone into their hands. Once the worker appropriated the
purse of the landed proprietor who gave him work, he took
the rings, the diamonds and rejoiced that he had now got
the treasures which before only the
'bourgeoisie' possessed. But in his hands they are dead
things - they are veritable death-gold. They are no profit to
him. He is banished into his wilderness and one cannot feed
oneself on diamonds. For a morsel of bread he gives millions
in objects of value. But the bread is in the hands of the
State Central Organization and this is in the hands of the
Jews: so everything, everything that the common man
thought that he was winning for himself, flows back again to
his seducers.
On the Right: In the first place the Right still fails to recognize the danger.
These gentlemen still persist in believing that it is a
question of being elected to a Landtag or of posts as
ministers or secretaries. They think that the decision of a
people's destiny would mean at worst nothing more than
some damage to their so-called bourgeois-economic
existence. They have never grasped the fact that this
decision threatens their heads. They have never yet
understood that it is not necessary to be an enemy of the
Jew for him to drag you one day, on the Russian model, to
the scaffold. They do not see that it is quite enough to have
a head on your shoulders and not to be a Jew: that will
secure the scaffold for you.
In consequence their whole action today is so petty, so
limited, so hesitating and pusillanimous. They would like to -
but they can never decide on any great deed, because they
fail to realize the greatness of the whole period.
,,,
AND THE RIGHT HAS FURTHER COMPLETELY FORGOTTEN
THAT
DEMOCRACY IS FUNDAMENTALLY NOT GERMAN: IT IS
JEWISH.
And finally it has been forgotten that the condition which
must precede every act is the will and the courage to speak
the truth
It has completely forgotten that this Jewish democracy with
its majority decisions has always been without exception
only a means towards the destruction of any existing Aryan
leadership. The Right does not understand that directly
every small question of profit or loss is regularly put before
so-called 'public opinion,' he who knows how most skilfully
to make this 'public opinion' serve his own interests
becomes forthwith master in the State. And that can be
achieved by the man who can lie most artfully, most
infamously; and in the last resort he is not the German, he
is, in Schopenhauer's words, 'the great master in the art of
lying' - the Jew.
Economic Jewry:
And if you say 'But there must after all be a difference
between the honest creators and those who do nothing at
all' - certainly there must! That is the difference which lies in
the performance of the conscientious work of the individual.
Work must be the great connecting link, but at the same
time the great factor which separates one man from
another. The drone is the foe of us all. But the creators - it
matters not whether they are brain workers or workers with
the hand - they are the nobility of our State, they are the
German people!
We understand under the term 'work' exclusively that
activity which not only profits the individual but in no way
harms the community, nay rather which contributes to form
the community.
3. And in the third place IT WAS CLEAR TO US THAT THIS
PARTICULAR VIEW IS BASED ON AN IMPULSE WHICH
SPRINGS
FROM OUR RACE AND FROM OUR BLOOD. We said to
ourselves that race differs from race and, further, that each
race in accordance with its fundamental demands shows
externally certain specific tendencies, and these tendencies
can perhaps be most clearly traced in their relation to the
conception of work. The Aryan regards work as the
foundation for the maintenance of the community of people
amongst it members. The Jew regards work as the means to
the exploitation of other peoples. The Jew never works as a
productive creator without the great aim of becoming the
master. He works unproductively using and enjoying other
people's work.
And thus we understand the iron sentence which Mommsen
once uttered:
'The Jew is the ferment of decomposition in peoples,' that
means that the Jew destroys and must destroy because he
completely lacks the conception of an activity which builds
up the life of the community. And therefore it is beside the
point whether the individual Jew is 'decent' or not. In himself
he carries those characteristics which Nature has given him,
and he cannot ever rid himself of those characteristics. And
to us he is harmful. Whether he harms us consciously or
unconsciously, that is not our affair. We have consciously to
concern ourselves for the welfare of our own people.
Freedom from Usury:
We are absolutely convinced that an indispensable prerequisite for remedying the international commercial crisis is the introduction of a stable monetary system. Such a course would permit the transformation of a prehistoric system of exchange into a free and modern commercial system Moreover, the National Socialist Government is resolved that under no circumstances will it be drawn into the old commercial system of creating debts, but that it will rigidly abide by the principle of
importing from abroad only up to the value of the goods that it sells abroad. If certain individuals should feel distressed because they cannot purchase this or that article of luxury, or even some useful object or other, because we have not imported it for them, our answer to such worthy compatriots is: We are troubled enough as things are with the problem of feeding the German people. As long as we cannot be perfectly assured that the necessities of life are at hand for every single member of the community, we are not interested in the question whether this or that article of luxury might be imported.
. IT POINTS ME TO THE MAN WHO ONCE IN
LONELINESS, SURROUNDED ONLY BY A FEW FOLLOWERS,
RECOGNIZED THESE JEWS FOR WHAT THEY WERE AND
SUMMONED MEN TO THE FIGHT AGAINST THEM AND WHO,
GOD'S TRUTH! WAS GREATEST NOT AS SUFFERER BUT AS
FIGHTER. In boundless love as a Christian and as a man I
read through the passage which tells us how the Lord at last
rose in His might and seized the scourge to drive out of the
Temple the brood of vipers and of adders. How terrific was
His fight for the world against the Jewish poison. Today, after
two thousand years, with deepest emotion I recognize more
profoundly than ever before - the fact that it was for this
that He had to shed His blood upon the Cross. As a Christian
I have no duty to allow myself to be cheated, but I have the
duty to be a fighter for truth and justice. And as a man I
have the duty to see to it that human society does not
suffer the same catastrophic collapse as did the civilization
of the ancient world some two thousand years ago - a
civilization which was driven to its ruin through this same
Jewish people.
Then indeed when Rome collapsed there were endless
streams of new German bands flowing into the Empire from
the North; but, if Germany collapses today, who is there to
come after us? German blood upon this earth is on the way
to gradual exhaustion unless we pull ourselves together and
make ourselves free!
And if there is anything which could demonstrate that we
are acting rightly, it is the distress which daily grows. For as
a Christian I have also a duty to my own people. And when I
look on my people I see it work and work and toil and labor,
and at the end of the week it has only for its wage
wretchedness and misery. When I go out in the morning and
see these men standing in their queues and look into their
pinched faces, then I believe I would be no Christian, but a
ery devil, if I felt no pity for them, if I did not, as did our
Lord two thousand years ago, turn against those by whom
today this poor people is plundered and exploited.
And through the distress there is no doubt that the people
has been aroused.
Externally perhaps apathetic, but within there is ferment.
And many may say, 'It is an accursed crime to stir up
passions in the people.' And then I say to myself: Passion is
already stirred through the rising tide of distress, and one
day this passion will break out in one way or another: AND
NOW I WOULD ASK THOSE WHO TODAY CALL US
'AGITATORS': 'WHAT
THEN HAVE YOU TO GIVE TO THE PEOPLE AS A FAITH TO
WHICH IT MIGHT CLING?'
Nothing at all, for you yourselves have no faith in your own
prescriptions.
That is the mightiest thing which our Movement must
create: for these widespread, seeking and straying masses a
new Faith which will not fail
them in this hour of confusion, to which they can pledge
themselves, on which they can build so that they may at
least find once again a place which may bring calm to their
hearts.
The Battle and its scope in time and place ...
IT IS a battle which began nearly 120 years ago, at the
moment when the Jew was granted citizen rights in the
European States. The political emancipation of the Jews was
the beginning of an attack of delirium. For thereby they
were given full citizen rights and equality to a people which
was much more clearly and definitely a race apart than all
others, that has always formed and will form a State within
the State. That did not happen perhaps at one blow, but it
came about as things come about today and always do
come about: first a little finger, then a second and a third,
and so bit by bit until at last a people that in the eighteenth
century still appeared completely alien had won equal
citizen-rights with ourselves.
And it was precisely the same in the economic sphere. The
vast process of the industrialization of the peoples meant
the confluence of great masses of workmen in the towns.
Thus great hordes of people arose, and these, more's the
pity, were not properly dealt with by those whose moral
duty it was to concern themselves for their welfare. Parallel
with this was a gradual
'moneyfication' of the whole of the nation's labor-strength.
'Share-capital'
was in the ascendant, and thus bit by bit the Stock
Exchange came to control the whole national economy.
The directors of these institutions were, and are without
exception, Jews. I say 'without exception,' for the few non-
Jews who had a share in them are in the last resort nothing
but screens, shop-window Christians, whom one needs in
order, for the sake of the masses, to keep up the
appearance that these institutions were after all founded as
a natural outcome of the needs and the economic life of all
peoples alike, and were not, as was the fact, institutions
which correspond only with the essential characteristics of
the Jewish people and are the outcome of those
characteristics.
to divide into two halves, into West Europe and Central and
Eastern Europe. At first Western Europe took the lead in the
process of industrialization. Especially in England crowds of
farm laborers, sons of farmers, or even ruined farmers
themselves, streamed into the towns and there formed a
new fourth estate.
But here one fact is of more importance than we are
accustomed to admit: this England, like France, had
relatively few Jews. And the consequence of that was that
the great masses, concentrated in the towns, did not come
into immediate contact with this alien nation, and thus
feelings of aversion which must otherwise necessarily have
arisen did not find sufficient nourishment for their
development. In the end the fifty or sixty thousand Jews in
England - there was hardly that number in England then -
with
supreme ease were able so to 'Europeanize' themselves that
they remained hidden from the primitive eye of the ordinary
member of the public and as
'Captains of Industry,' and especially as representatives of
capital on a large scale, they could appear no longer as
foreigners but themselves became Englishmen.
This accounts for the fact that anti-Semitism in these States
could never attain to any native vigor; for the same is true
of France. And precisely for this reason in these countries it
was possible to introduce the system which we have to
represent to ourselves under the concept of 'Democracy.'
There it was possible to create a State-form whose meaning
could only be the mastery of the herd over the intelligentsia,
the mastery over true energy through the dead weight of
massed numbers. In other words: it must be supremely easy
for the Jewish intelligentsia, small in numbers and therefore
completely hidden in the body of the British people, so to
work upon the masses that the latter, quite unconscious of
whom they were obeying, in the end did but serve the
purposes of this small stratum of society.
Through the press propaganda, through the use of the
organs of information, it was possible in England to found
the great model parties.
Already in those early days they saw to it shrewdly that here
were always two or three groups apparently hostile to each
other, but in fact all hanging on a gold thread, the whole
designed to take account of a human characteristic - that
the longer a man possesses an object, the more readily he
grows tired of it. He craves something new: therefore one
needs two parties. The one is in office, the other in
opposition. When the one has played itself out, then the
opposition party comes into power, and the party which has
had its day is now in its turn the opposition. After twenty
years the new party itself has once more played itself out
and the game begins afresh. In truth this is a highly
ingenious mill in which the interests of a nation are ground
very small. As everyone knows, this system is given some
such name as 'Self-Government of a People.'
Besides this we always find two great catchwords, 'Freedom'
and
'Democracy,' used, I might say, as signboards. 'Freedom':
under that term is understood, at least amongst those in
authority who in fact carry on the Government, the
possibility of an unchecked plundering of the masses of the
people to which no resistance can be offered. The masses
themselves naturally believe that under the term 'freedom'
they possess the right to a quite peculiar freedom of motion
- freedom to move the tongue and to say what they choose,
freedom to move about the streets, etc. A bitter deception!
And the same is true of democracy. In general even in the
early days both England and France had already been bound
with the fetters of slavery.
With, I might say, a brazen security these States are
fettered with Jewish chains....
The master-stroke of the Jew was to claim the leadership of the fourth estate: he founded the Movement both of the Social Democrats and the Communists. His policy was twofold: he had his 'apostles' in both political camps. Amongst the parties of the Right he encouraged those features which were most repugnant to the people - the passion for money, unscrupulous methods in trade which were employed so ruthlessly as to give rise to the proverb 'Business, too, marches over corpses.' And the Jew attacked the parties of the Right. Jews wormed their way into the families of the upper classes: it was from the Jews that the latter took their wives. The result was that in a short time it was precisely the ruling class which became in its character completely estranged from its own people.
It is clear that a nation's economic life depends upon the strength of a national State: it does not live on such phrases as 'Appeasement of the peoples' or 'Freedom of the Peoples.'
At the moment when no people supports the economic life of a nation, ready to give it its protection, at that moment economic life collapses. The breaking in pieces of a nation's strength is the end of a nation's prosperity, the national existence must cease altogether.
And one can see constantly how wonderfully the Stock Exchange Jew and the leader of the workers, how the Stock Exchange organ and the journal of the workers, co-operate. They both pursue one common policy and a single aim. Moses Kohn on the one side encourages his association to refuse the workers' demands, while his brother Isaac in the factory incites the masses and shouts, 'Look at them! they only want to oppress you! Shake off your fetters....'
His brother takes care that the fetters are well and truly forged. The Stock Exchange organ seeks without intermission to encourage fevered speculation and unparalleled corners in grain and in the food of the people, while the workmen's newspaper lets off all its guns on the masses, telling them that bread is dearer and this, that, and the other is dearer: up Proletarians! endure it no longer-down with . . .
How long can this process last? It means the utter destruction not only of economic life, but of the people. It is clear that all these apostles who talk their tongues out of their heads, but who spend the night in the Hotel Excelsior, travel in express trains, and spend their leave for their health in Nice - these people do not exert their energies for love of the people. No, the people is not to profit, it shall merely be brought into dependence on these men. The backbone of its independence, its own economic life, is to be destroyed, that it may the more surely relapse into the golden fetters of the perpetual interest-slavery of the Jewish race. And this process will end when suddenly out of the masses someone arises who seizes the leadership, finds other comrades and fans into flame the passions which have been held in check and looses them against the deceivers.
That is the lurking danger, and the Jew can meet it in one way only - by destroying the hostile national intelligentsia. That is the inevitable ultimate goal of the Jew in his revolution. And this aim he must pursue; he knows well enough his economics brings no blessing: his is
no master people: he is an exploiter: the Jews are a people of robbers. He has never founded any civilization, though he has destroyed civilizations by the hundred. He possesses nothing of his own creation to which he can point.
Jew cannot do. And because he cannot do it, therefore all his revolutions must be 'international.' They must spread as a pestilence spreads. He can build no State and say 'See here, Here stands the State, a model for all. Now copy us!' He must take care that the plague does not die, that it is not limited to one place, or else in a short time this plague-hearth would burn itself out. So he is forced to bring every mortal thing to an international expansion. For how long? Until the whole world sinks in ruins and brings him down with it in the midst of the ruins.
That process today in Russia is practically complete. The whole of present-day Russia has nothing to show beyond a ruined civilization, a colony ripe for development through alien capital, and even this capital in order to supply resources in labor for its practical work must introduce Aryan intellects, since for this again the Jew is useless. Here, too, he is all rapacity, never satisfied. He knows no ordered economy, he knows no ordered body of administrators. Over there in Russia he is laying his hands on everything. They take the noble's diamonds to help 'the People.' The diamonds then stray into foreign societies and are no more seen. He seizes to himself the treasures of the churches, but not to feed the people: oh no! Everything wanders away and leaves not a trace behind. In his greed he has become quite senseless: he can keep hold of nothing: he has only within him the instinct for destruction, and so he himself collapses with the treasure that he has destroyed.
It is a tragic fate: we have often grown excited over the death of a criminal: if an anarchist is shot in Spain we raise a mighty howl over 'the sacrifice of valuable human blood' . . . and here in the East thirty million human beings are being slowly martyred - done to death, some on the scaffold, some by machine guns . . . millions upon millions through starvation.... A whole people is dying, and now we can perhaps understand how it was possible that formerly all the civilizations of Mesopotamia disappeared without a trace so that one can only with difficulty find in the desert sand the remains of these cities. We see how in our own day whole countries die out under this scourge of God, and we see how this scourge is threatening Germany, too, and how with us our own people in mad infatuation is contributing to bring upon itself the same yoke, the same misery.
Who is behind this?
AND WHY IS EUROPE HOSTILE? WE SEE HOW OVER THERE IN THIS OTHER EUROPE IT IS NOT THE PEOPLES WHICH AGITATE AGAINST US, IT IS THE SECRET POWER OF THE ORGANIZED PRESS WHICH CEASELESSLY POURS NEW POISON INTO THE HEARTS OF THESE PEOPLES.
And who are then these bandits of the press? The brothers and the relatives of the publishers of our own newspapers. And the capital source which provides the energy which here - and there - drives them forward is the Jewish dream of World Supremacy.
The Socialism in National Socialism:
Today all these folk cannot yet belong to a single party, but, wherever you go, in Germany, yes almost in the whole world, you find already millions of thinking men who know that a State can be built only on a social foundation and they know also that the deadly foe of every social conception is the international Jew.
Every truly national idea is in the last resort social, i.e., he who is prepared so completely to adopt the cause of his people that he really knows no higher ideal than the prosperity of this - his own - people, he who has so taken to heart the meaning of our great song 'Deutschland, Deutschland uber alles,' that nothing in this world stands for him higher than this Germany, people and land, land and people, he is a Socialist! And he who in this people sympathizes with the poorest of its citizens, who in this people sees in every individual a valuable member of the whole community, and who recognizes that this community can flourish only when it is formed not of rulers and oppressed but when all according to their capacities fulfill their duty to their Fatherland and the community of the people and are valued accordingly, he who seeks to preserve the native vigor, the strength, and the youthful energy of the millions of working men, and who above all is concerned that our precious possession, our youth, should not before its time be used up in unhealthy harmful work - he is not merely a Socialist, but he is also National in the highest sense of that word.
It is the teaching of these facts which appears to the Jews as leaders of the Revolution today to constitute a threatening danger. And it is precisely this which more than anything else makes the Jew wish to get in his blow as soon as possible. For one thing he knows quite well: in the last resort there is only one danger which he has to fear-and that danger is this young Movement.
Socialism in itself is anything but an international
creation.
As a noble conception it has indeed grown up exclusively in
Aryan hearts: it owes its intellectual glories only to Aryan
brains. It is entirely alien to the Jew.
The Jew will always be the born champion of private capital
in its worst form, that of unchecked exploitation.... Voltaire,
as well as Rousseau, together with our German Fichte and
many another - they are all without exception united in their
recognition that the Jew is not only a foreign element
differing in his essential character, which is utterly harmful
to the nature of the Aryan, but that the Jewish people in
itself stands against us as our deadly foe and so will stand
against us always and for all time.
National Socialism has solved these problems. ... One of these accomplishments [of National Socialism] is above all the formation of a leadership of the Volk and State that is as far removed from parliamentary democracy as it is from a military dictatorship. In National Socialism, the Volk has been given the leadership which, as a party, has not only mobilized but also organized the nation, and organized it such that the supremely natural principle of selection would appear to indicate that the continued existence of a secure political leadership is guaranteed. And this is perhaps one of the proudest chapters in the history of the past five years.
And when I now round out this picture of the upswing of German life which I wish to show you, using only very few proofs and figures taken from the huge number available, I can find no closing more splendid than the one illustrated in our increasing number of births! In the year 1932, 970,000 children were born. This figure was increasing annually and reached the mark of 1,270,000 in 1937. All told, since National Socialism took power, approximately 1,160,000 more children have been bestowed upon the German Volk! Not only are they a reason for us to be proud of our German women; they are also a reason to be grateful to our Providence. To enable the nation to accomplish its incomparable work in peace, 1,160,000 young new Volksgenossen were bestowed upon it in the space of five years, living proof of
the tremendous work of the National Socialist uplifting of our Volk and the blessing of our Lord God.
Hitler would not tolerate drag queen story hour:
The National Socialist State is neither prudish nor hypocritical. Still there are certain fundamental mores which must be upheld in the interest of preserving the biological health of the Volk. And we shall not allow these to be altered. This State prosecutes pederasty and child abuse as crimes to be punished by the law, irrespective of who perpetrates them.
land [Grund und Boden], we must insist, cannot be made an object for
speculation. Private property can be only that which a man has gained for
himself, has won through his work. A natural product is not private
property, that is national property. Land is thus no object for bargaining.
Further, there must be a reform in our law. Our present law regards only the
rights of the individual. It does not regard the protection of the race, the
protection of the community of the people. It permits the befouling of the
nation's honor and of the greatness of the nation. A law which is so far
removed from the conception of the community of the people is in need of
reform.
Further, changes are needed in our system of education. We suffer today
from an excess of culture [Ueberbildung] Only knowledge is valued. But
wiseacres are the enemies of action. What we need is instinct and will.
Most people have lost both through their 'culture.' We have, it is true, a
highly intellectual class, but it is lacking in energy. If, through our
overvaluation of mechanical knowledge, we had not so far removed
ourselves from popular sentiment, the Jew would never have found his way
to our people so easily as he has done. What we need is the possibility of a
continuous succession of intellectual leaders drawn from the people itself.
Clear away the Jews! Our own people has genius enough - we need no
Hebrews. If we were to put in their place intelligences drawn from the great
body of our people, then we should have recovered the bridge which leads
to the community of the people.
AGAIN, WE NEED A REFORM OF THE GERMAN PRESS.
A press which is on principle anti-national cannot be tolerated in Germany.
Whoever denies the nation can have no part in it. We must demand that the
press shall become the instrument of the national self-education.
FINALLY WE NEED A REFORM IN THE SPHERE OF ART,
LITERATURE, AND THE THEATER. The Government must see to it that
its people is not poisoned. There is a higher right which is based on the
recognition of that which harms a people, and that which harms a people
must be done away with.
And after this reform we shall come to recognize the duty of selfpreservation.
A man who says: 'I deny that I have a right to defend my
personal life' has thereby denied his right to exist. TO BE A PACIFIST
ARGUES A LACK OF CONVICTION, A LACK OF CHARACTER. For
the pacifist is indeed ready enough to claim the help of others, but himself
declines to defend himself. It is precisely the same with a people. A people
which is not prepared to protect itself is a people without character. We
must recover for our people as one of its most elementary principles the
recognition of the fact that a man is truly man only if he defends and
protects himself, that a people deserves that name only if in case of
necessity it is prepared as a people to enter the lists. That is not militarism,
that is self-preservation.
THEREFORE WE NATIONAL SOCIALISTS STAND FOR
COMPULSORY MILITARY SERVICE FOR EVERY MAN. If a State is
not worth that - then away with it! Then you must not complain if you are
enslaved. But if you believe that you must be free, then you must learn to
recognize that no one gives you freedom save only your own sword. What
our people needs is not leaders in Parliament, but those who are determined
to carry through what they see to be right before God, before the world, and
before their own consciences - and to carry that through, if need be, in the
teeth of majorities. And if we succeed in raising such leaders from the body
of our people, then around them once again a nation will crystallize itself...
we shall consolidate the Movement internally as the source of our power and, in the spirit of the Movement, we shall continue to inculcate in the minds of the German people the ideal of a true community ... a social order which, inasmuch as it brings before the individuals constituting it the importance of the people as a whole, thereby creates a sense of duty towards the community and in that way enhances the life of the individual.
It generally happens that when a nation more or less neglects the cultural side of its existence we have a correspondingly low standard of living and more widespread poverty. Human progress first began and continues to develop through a labour-saving procedure whereby the amount of work hitherto thought indispensable to produce the necessities of life is lessened and a portion of it transferred to domains which are being newly opened and which are accessible only to a small number of people who are materially and intellectually equipped for such new energies.
As the embellishment of life, Art follows the same route. But on that account it cannot by any means be termed a “capitalist” tendency. On the contrary, all the great cultural achievements in the history of mankind have been the product of those forces which spring from the feeling of communion in the social group, so that such works may be said to originate in the community itself. Hence they reflect in their genesis and final form the spiritual life and ideals of the community.
Germany is Christian at heart:
We certainly cannot conceive of the foundation of the German State without realising that the States which had existed in the pre-Christian classical era were present as prototypes in the mind of Europe at this particular stage of history. Without these models and without the common ground of union which was found in the spiritual teachings of Christianity, the formation of a German State at that era cannot be imagined. Were it not for those factors the destiny of Europe and indeed the rest of the world, as far as concerns the white races, was then unthinkable and even today we could not picture it to ourselves.
In contrast to the strongly divergent tendencies of the various German tribes, Christianity supplied a unifying principle which organised them in the first community in which they were in anyway conscious of a common destiny and which also had an outward and visible form for them. Thus it furnished a religious and philosophical basis on which it was possible to organise those tribes into a political State. Christianity, which supplied the religious and moral plane on which the German tribes could be brought together in a higher unity. What had to disappear did disappear; because our people had to develop into a distinctly defined and powerful and much larger political organisation than those various tribal entities which constituted only a confused and incoherent mass. Only thus could racial unity be attained. But this did not last long before a process of decadence set in here also. For, after Christianity broke up into conflicting denominations which disintegrated the religious foundation of the State, the spirit of the French Revolution undermined the monarchical foundation.
The Ferment of Decomposition - to use the expression which Mommsen applied to Judaism - began to appropriate the idea of a social conscience based on the racial bond and transformed it into an illogical and noxious contradiction, which finally took the form of Marxist socialism.
